Sexual Violence - Writeup

Ending Sexual Violence

While many are surprised by the action and inaction of university administrators in the case of undergraduate Jane Doe of Cornell University, it in reality does not stand to reason that such an outcome was an "oddity" or "hiccup" in an otherwise functional setup; in fact, the rate of sexual violence on American college campuses has "remained steady for three decades," (Foubert et al., 2020).

Hence, the interventions often employed do not sufficiently mitigate the incidence of this disease, otherwise every institution would compare the changes in their rates of sexual violence with peers. With this in mind, a novel research-based framework is here developed.

Prevention, Defense, and Liberation (PDL) identifies a paradigm of sexual violence on college campuses, but also America at-large. Prevention involves the attitudes and behaviors which make sexual violence possible; Defense consists in social knowledge and maneuvers to stymie those intent on committing sexual violence; Liberation is defined by process in which those who experience sexual violence are able to realize the reality of a perpetrator's actions and receive support from community.

Philosophy

We believe that the most effective method of mitigating the incidence and effects of sexual violence lies in the intellectual autonomy of participants. Instead of giving hard and fast rules of what things are not allowed, students' natural engagement with content provides and experience which is not easily forgotten; while the topic of sexual violence is incredibly serious, the immense complexity of norms and culture are ripe for student engagement and discussion.

We identify that the predominant structure of lecturing to students creates an environment where students brag that they were on their phone the entire time, or in digital cases, where they can skip through all questions. Further, many of those who've interest in the topic of sexual violence and its prevention only find this out much later than their freshman year — they remember nothing of these trainings. There are also limited reports of individuals who use the information of these trainings and reference it, though this seems to be a hope of the programs.

Further, we recognize that many individuals who have experienced sexual violence have felt wronged when assigned to separate educational groups, though others are triggered by demonstrations or activities where individuals' autonomy are seemingly debated or voted upon. To minimize retraumatization while still educating those who may be unaware of sexual violence's prevalence, accept rape myths, spurn that their experiences are sexually violent, perpetrate sexual violence, or perhaps not know their experiences are sexual violence, we opt for autonomous intellectual appreciation and candor regarding the interplay of various social and physical factors of sexual violence.

Prevention

In prevention, we understand the mental models of those who perpetrate sexual violence and disallow them from rationalizing their behavior through education.

Effects of Sexual Violence

• "Victims are more likely to experience depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and drug use. In addition to these effects, a meta-analytical review conducted in 2019 found that the average percent of revictimization among child sexual abuse survivors was 47.9%." (Gay, 2024)
• "When the focus group participants were asked if they had ever received a disclosure of sexual assault or domestic violence, 41% raised their hands. The athletes often expressed a substantial amount of anger, sadness, or rage toward the perpetrator after a survivor disclosed to them. Several participants shared that they were subsequently fixated on physically hurting the abuser after hearing about the assault or abuse from the survivor. A small number of those athletes did report acting on these negative feelings by physically harming or threatening to harm the perpetrator." (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• "One-third of victims of sexual harassment or assault never share their experiences with anyone and fewer than 10% of college students report sexual assault (Taylor & Hardin, 2017)." (Reel and Crouch, 2019)
• "Child victims of sexual abuse comprise the highest percentage of individuals with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), and they are significantly more likely to develop anxiety and depression, abuse drugs and alcohol, and attempt suicide (Olafson, 2011)." (Reel & Crouch, 2019)
• "While the majority of men are not perpetrators, between 6 and 11% of men report committing or attempting rape." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "Once referred for prosecution, there was no difference in disposition between stranger and nonstranger cases. However, defendants in stranger cases were significantly more likely than defendants in nonstranger cases to receive prison sentences." (Lisak & Miller, 2002)
• "Perpetrators are also more likely to be sexually abused as children among other childhood traumas." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "College women have consistently reported high rates of sexual assault when compared with the overall population. [...] This is particularly important because rates of sexual assault reported by the university are often referenced when allocating funds and resources to sexual assault prevention programs. Thus, underreporting may result in disproportionate distributions of funding and resources to sexual assault prevention initiatives." (Canan et al., 2018)

What Sexual Violence Looks Like

• "According to Koss (1988) who surveyed over 6,000 students from 32 institutions of higher education all across the country, over 50% of the women responding to the survey had experienced some level of sexual victimization including sexual contact (14.4%), sexual coercion (11.9%), attempted rape (12.1%), and rape (15.4%)." (Caron et al., 1997)
• "One out of every four women in the survey were the victims of rape or attempted rape since the age of 14 years. Only 5% reported that incident to the police, and 42% never told anyone about the experience." (Caron et al., 1997)
• "The number of men who self-report sexual assault is very large. Of the male students surveyed by Koss (1988), 1 in 12 had committed acts that met the legal definition of attempted rape or rape. Almost half (47%) of the men who reported an incident meeting the legal definition of rape said they expected to engage in the same behavior in the future, and 88% did not believe they had committed a rape." (Caron et al., 1997)
• "1 in 5 women, 1 in 13 men, and 1 in 4 trans or gender nonconforming students are sexually assaulted during their college experience." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "Sexual violence is the most underreported crime on and off college campuses. Fewer than 10% of college survivors report their assault to their college, university, or law enforcement." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "Research indicates that the vast majority of sexual assaults on campus – more than 90% –are committed by only 5-6% of male students who are repeat offenders," (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "Approximately half of sexual assaults that occur on campuses include alcohol consumption by either or both the survivor and perpetrator. Given that research has indicated that male athletes are at a heightened risk of perpetrating repeated acts of sexual assault when alcohol is involved, it is necessary that prevention education for athletes include information on the role of alcohol in sexual assault perpetration." (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• Honestly, personally, I don’t even know exactly what constitutes sexual assault. Yeah. I feel like when people think of sexual assault, they just think rape. (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• "The focus group protocol approached disclosures and accusations of sexual assault in two ways: (1) asking participants if they had ever received disclosures of sexual assault from someone in their life, and, (2) if they have known someone accused of committing one of these crimes.15 The vast majorit of participants (75.4%) had experienced a disclosure from a survivor, knew someone who was accused, or both, making disclosures and accusations significant topics of conversation within the focus groups." (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• I... the girl was forcing him to drink and drink more, drink more. Then I took my friend and I put him in the bed recently, and like, she came over and tried to close the door and tried to sexually assault him and I was like, oh shit. So we got my other friend, he walked into the door, got everyone out, he got up off the bed and went away and like that just gives me awareness that women can do the same exact thing too. And like, that shit is scary… (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• "While men in the study are less engaged in this issue, the topics of sexual assault or harassment angers men who see themselves as 'good.' They are not tolerant of the perpetrators of this violence and many participants noted that they assume those who commit sexual assault must not have much confidence in themselves. This assumption is confirmed by studies that have found that there is often a link between cognitive distortions and low self-esteem to committing sexual violence." (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• "However, if an individual is found responsible for commiting sexual violence at BYU, that person is immediately expelled from the school and the community; meanwhile, if a student is found responsible for committing sexual assault at Northwestern, expulsion is not a guarentee. This is because all sex outside of marriage is prohibited at BYU. The differences affected one participant’s perceptions of consequences," (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• "The students believed that although some schools can be good at imposing consequences on the perpetrator of a sexual assault, they are still unlikely to impose consequences on the bystanders who supported the perpetrator." (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• I’ve heard of stuff that was swept under the rug like in Greek life and with the fraternity presidents. (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• They didn’t mention the situation that started all this. Lots of legal speak. That really bothered me. The specific reason was not addressed by the official doing the training. Kept referring to it as ‘the incident.’ Like he couldn’t say the word. (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• Someone painted ‘Northwestern offered me money to be quiet about sexual assault.’ [on a campus spirit rock]. All sorts of people saw it, passersby, tour groups, parents, nothing happened at the end of the day. They [Northwestern] can afford to do nothing. (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• I feel like Northwestern is just really ambivalent… They just like to turn a blind eye towards things because they can. There’s a lot of student outrage on campus… they can afford to not give a crap about student concerns. (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• It’s [sexual assault] not really a big concern on campus. I haven’t seen anything… Maybe it is [not an issue here] because it’s a community college. It could also be because it’s an older demographic, especially the night time class takers. They may be out of the period that assault is prompted. Also not the same party atmosphere. (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• "Most students interviewed believed that as long as it is illegal to drink, young people will continue to do so to excess. This also increases the likelihood that they will try to hide underage alcohol consumption or anything that occurs while drinking illegally, including a sexual assault." (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• The situation was that these women spoke out about being drugged and sexually assaulted at these fraternity parties. The punishment was just a social ban. The fraternities didn’t abide by that. These two girls had these horrible things done to them and that was the punishment? A social ban? I remember just hearing… a lot about how there were a lot of protests outside of the fraternity houses and the members just felt very threatened. Like you feel threatened? These are the things that your fraternity is doing to other members on campus. They [the protestors] are allowed to be mad. (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• "As recently as 2016, an estimated 77% of rape and sexual assault incidents went unreported in the United States," (Reel & Crouch, 2019)
• "It is estimated that between 64% and 96% percent of all rapes are never reported to criminal justice authorities (Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000; National Victims Center, 1992; Perkins & Klaus, 1996; Russel, 1982)," (Lisak and Miller, 2002)
• "Yet, studies of unreported rape, mainly on college samples, indicate that from 6% to 14.9% of men report acts that meet legal definitions for rape or attempted rape (Collings, 1994; Greendlinger & Byrne, 1987; Koss, Leonard, Beezley, & Oros, 1985; Koss Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987; Krahe, 1998; Lisak & Roth, 1988; Merrill et al., 1998; Mosher & Anderson, 1986; Ouimette & Riggs, 1998; Rubenzahl & Corcoran, 1998)." (Lisak and Miller, 2002)
• "Yet, a recent study found that undetected sexually aggressive men, like their incarcerated rapists, were more sexually aroused by audiotaped depictions of rape (Bernat, Calhoun, & Adams, 1999) than non-aggressive men." (Lisak and Miller, 2002)
• "Importantly, our study found that more than 87% of alcohol-involved sexual assault incidents were committed by serial perpetrators, who committed an average of at least five incidents each." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "While the majority of men are not perpetrators, between 6 and 11% of men report committing or attempting rape." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "For almost all circumstances, women reported higher frequences of both rape and assault. Both men and women reported the highest frequency of rape and sexual assault under the condition of being capable of giving consent or resisting due to drugs, alcohol, or other substances. Twenty percent of women reported [experiencing] rape under this condition compared with 9.0% of [men], and 17.6% of women reported experiencing sexual assault under this condition compared with 9.6% of men." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "14.1% of women and 11.0% of men reported experiencing nonconsensual penile-vaginal intercourse because they 'realized refusing was useless,' and 39.0% of women and 40.8% of men reported experiencing nonconsensual sexual behaviors other than vaginal-penile intercourse because they 'realized refusing was useless.'" (Canan et al., 2018)
• "There were no differences across gender for both nonconsensual penile-vaginal intercourse because 'refusing was useless' and nonconsensual sexual behaviors other than penile-vaginal intercourse because 'refusing was useless,'" (Canan et al., 2018)

What Perpetrators Are Like

• "In the other hand, cognitive factors, including hostility toward women, traditional gender role adherence, and hypermasculinity, have shown consistent links to sexual violence perpetration (Tharp et al., 2013) but are rarely addressed directly in prevention programs." (DeGue et al., 2014)
• "With most of the attention in existing programs focused on knowledge and attitudes, many sexual violence risk factors—well-grounded in theory—have been ignored. For example, childhood exposure to violence, general delinquency and aggression, and early sexual behavior have consistent empirical support across numerous studies and are included in the Confluence Model, a well-supported theoretical model of sexual violence perpetration, but they are rarely addressed in sexual violence prevention efforts (Tharp et al., 2013)." (DeGue et al., 2014)
• "The amount of sexually coercive behavior was related to a lack of social conscience, irresponsibility, and a value orientation that legitimizes aggression, particularly toward women. Studies by Koss and her colleagues (Koss & Dinero, 1988; Koss & Gaines, 1993) have stated that men who reported perpetrating sexual aggression toward women were more likely to have had earlier sexual experiences, use alcohol more frequently, view more sexually violent pornography, and are involved in peer groups who fostered sexualized views of women." (Caron et al., 1997)
• "Men who have feelings of hostility toward women are more likely to commit sexual assault against women (Bosson et al., 2015; Parrott et al., 2012; Testa et al., 2019; Testa & Cleveland, 2017). Ray and Parkhill (2023) conducted a systematic review of research published between 1990 and 2020 confirming that this relationship is supported by decades of research using a diverse range of methodologies and populations of men." (McDaniel et al., 2026)
• "This concerning because a recent meta analysis (Hedrick, 2021) of 32 studies revealed that consumption of popular media is associated with acceptance of myths about rape that seek to justify it (e.g., 'Men don’t usually intend to force sex on a woman, but sometimes they get too sexually carried away,' and 'If a woman is raped, often it’s because she didn’t say "no’"clearly enough;' Burt, 1980; Lonsaway & Fitzgerald, 1995)." (McDaniel et al., 2026)
• "Participants who were taught stronger hierarchical family values in their sexuality education experiences tended to report higher hostility toward women overall, regardless of sex positivity or sex apprehension. These taught values may indeed reinforce existing gender hierarchies or patriarchal norms. Additionally, participants who were taught to be apprehensive about sex tended to have higher hostility towards women overall. These findings imply that moralistic and fear-based sexuality education may be contributing to college men with attraction to women’s risk for sexual assault perpetration," (McDaniel et al., 2026)
• "Whether or not sex positivity in previous sexuality education acts as a 'buffer' and reduces college men’s hostile feelings towards women depends on whether they were also taught hierarchical family and gender norms and/or sex apprehension, R² = .20, F(7, 749) = 27.91, p < .001. Sex positivity leads to lower hostility towards women if their sexuality education was also less fear-based and less oriented towards hierarchical family and gender norms. In support of our hypotheses, sexuality education that is sex positive, avoids fear-based messaging, and does not teach hierarchical family and gender norms may deter college men with attraction to women from developing hostility towards women." (McDaniel et al., 2026)
• "If college men’s past sexuality education experiences were highly fear-based and oriented towards hierarchical family and gender norms, then hostility towards women increased as sex positivity increased," (McDaniel et al., 2026)
• "In this case, sex positive messaging threatens the existing beliefs (sex apprehension and hierarchical family and gender norms), so these boys shift towards the opposite direction of sex positivity, doubling down on existing beliefs. If this is the case, hostility towards women could develop over time out of the preservation of these other learned values." (McDaniel et al., 2026)
• "For these men, sex positivity as presently operationalized may validate the belief that their sexuality is autonomous and worthy of celebration, while others’ sexuality (especially women’s) is not. This aligns with hegemonic norms around masculinity that are rooted in the same longstanding gender norms historically taught in sexuality education." (McDaniel et al., 2026)
• "Research has shown a correlation between high rates of sexual violence in a community and a lack of education about consent, healthy relationships, and sexual assault among its members." (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• "Participants were more likely to believe an accusation and support the survivor’s story if: they had previously witnessed abusive language or behavior from the individual accused of assault; if they had a close relationship with the individual experiencing abuse; or, if the survivor disclosed to them directly. In several cases, the participants felt it was appropriate to end the friendship or to exclude the accused individual from social activities (i.e., removed from a party or kicked off the volleyball team). If the participant did not know the victim, it was common for them to believe that the accused individual was innocent or that the accusation was the result of a misunderstanding. In situations where the participant knew both parties involved, the accusation created a sense of uncertainty. It often resulted in the participant distancing themselves from both the accused and the victim, particularly in situations involving domestic violence or allegations of rape." (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• "For example, the student from University of Nevada Las Vegas (UNLV), a commuter campus, did not see this to be a major issue on their campus but perceived it to be at larger southern universities where the Greek system is a bigger deal. In reality, existing data shows us that sexual assault is present at all colleges and universities at equally high rates. Similarly, at schools with smaller populations, or schools within other towns or communities, 'townies' (people who live near campus but do not attend the school) are often seen by respondents as more dangerous than other students, despite research that indicates 85% of survivors know their perpetrator prior to a sexual assault taking place," (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• "mong the common characteristics shared by many incarcerated and undetected rapists, are high levels of anger at women (e.g., Groth, 1979; Malamuth, 1986; Lisak & Roth, 1990), the need to dominate women (e.g., Groth, 1979; Malamuth, 1986; Lisak & Roth, 1990), hypermasculinity (e.g., Groth, 1979; Mosher & Anderson, 1986; Lisak, Hopper & Song, 1996), lack of empathy (e.g., Lisak & Ivan, 1995; Scully, 1988) and psychopathy and antisocial traits (e.g., Ouimette, 1997; Kosson, Kelly, & White, 1997; Prentky & Knight, 1991)." (Lisak & Miller, 2002)
• "Of the 1,882 men in the total sample, 120 (6.4%) met criteria for rape or attempted rape. A majority of these men, 80.8%, reported committing rapes of women who were incapacitated because of drugs or alcohol; 17.5% reported using threats or overt force in attempted rapes: 9.2% reported using threats or overt force to coerce sexual intercourse; and 10% reported using threats or overt force to coerce oral sex." (Reel & Crouch, 2019)
• "Of the 120 rapists, 63.3% reported committing repeat rapes, either against multiple victims, or more than once against the same victim. In total, the 120 rapists admitted to 483 rapes, or 4.0 rapes each. [...] Since 44 of the 120 rapists admitted to only a single rape, the 76 repeat rapists actually accounted for 439 of rapes, averaging 5.8 each (SD = 7.7) [...]. The median number of rapes for the repeat rapists was three." (Lisak & Miller, 2002)
• "A majority of these men, 70 of the 120, admitted to other acts of interpersonal violence, including battery, physical abuse and/or sexual abuse of children, and sexual assault short of rape or attempted rape. Including their 483 acts of rape, these 120 individual sadmitted to a total of 1,225 different acts of interpersonal violence." (Lisak & Miller, 2002)
• "Finally, the use of overt force versus intoxication was not associated with repeat versus single-act rape. Of the 76 repeat rapists, 23 (30%) used overt force, while 12 (27%) of the 44 single-act rapists used overt force, a difference that was not significant." (Lisak & Miller, 2002)
• "By attacking victims within their social networks [...] and by refraining from the kind of violence likely to produce physical injuries in their victims, these rapists create 'cases' that victims are least likely to report, and that prosecutors are less likely to prosecute. A recent study of the factors associated with rape reporting found that only two factors could be isolated that increased the likelihood of victim reporting: physical injuries and the use of a weapon." (Lisak & Miller, 2002)
• "Given the statistical likelihood that a rapist has committed previous rapes and other acts of violence, a thorough investigation of the accused's social networks might well uncover additional crimes. By questioning acquaintances of the accused who frequent the same bars, parties, fraternities, and other social venues, investigators may uncover previous victims of the accused. further, the high rates of battering among these rapists suggests that past gilfriends of the accused ought to be questioned, since there is evidence of a frequent overlap between battery and sexual violence." (Lisak & Miller, 2002)
• "Men who perpetrate sexual assault have been shown to be more hypermasculine, have a higher desire for impersonal sexual encounters, and have higher rates of substance abuse." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "Yet, willingness to engage in frequent casual sexual encounters mediated the relationship between these two psychological variables [narcissistic and psychopathological] and perpetration. Further research confirmed that the more maladaptive narcissistic traits a man has, the more likely he is commit sexual violence." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "Three of the most important behaviors that distinguish men who engage in sexual assault perpetration from men who choose not to are (a) consuming alcohol 2 or more times a week, (b) having peer support for behaving in an emotionally violent manner toward women, and (c) having a peer support for being physically and sexual violent toward women. Interestingly, a man having all three behavioral features is 9 times more likely to engage in sexually assaultive behavior than a man who does not." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "Further research showed that men who perpetrate rape receive more pressure from friends to have sex by any means, reject egalitarian statements their friends make about women, and use more objectifying language about women." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "Other predictors of perpetration include aggressive and impulsive personality characteristics, rape myth acceptance, and the expectation that if a woman is drinking it is a sign that she wants to have sex." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "A study of college men who were consuming alcohol at the time of the study found that they were much more aggressive toward women when they were drunk than when they were sober." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "A 4-year longitudinal study found that of those who commit an act of sexual coercion and assault, 68% did so more than once during their college career. Interestingly, one-time offenders were more likely to have had a difficult childhood, while serial perpetrators scored higher on antisocial personality traits." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "For Research Question 1, we found that 5.1% of college men in our study committed alcohol-involved sexual assault. This finding fits with other studies that assessed a broader range of sexual assault and found rates in the 6-11% range." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "One potential explanation women may be experiencing such high rates of nonconsensual sex 'because refusing was useless' could be that some women believe that men will ignore their refusals. In fact, [...] men have 'sophisticated' understanding of women's subtle sexual refusals but sometimes ignore those refusals in order to obtain sex. The authors concluded that 'date rape does not routinely result from innocent misunderstandings… but rather from the witting intention by men to engage in coercive sexual penetration.' It may be the case that women have experienced such situations where their refusals were overtly ignored and, therefore, believe that future refusals would be useless." (Canan et al., 2018)

Disproportionate Cultures

• "Athletes are treated as 'elite.' Many universities and colleges have special residences for team athletes; camaraderie, solidarity, and exclusivity are encouraged (Johnson, 1991; Koss & Gaines, 1993; Moore, 1991). Covering for one another and keeping a tally of conquests to compete against one another is 'normal' for team members (Clay, 1991; 'Defendants,' 1991; Moore, 1991; Warshaw, 1988)." (Caron et al., 1997)
• "In a study by Young (1990), student athletes reported more criminal behavior than nonathletes and indicated interest in participating in risky activities. 'The tendency for high sensation seekers to become engaged in high-risk sporting activities results from the need for new experiences and an attraction to high risk,'" (Caron et al., 1997)
• "At least one study has shown that male athletes on competitive teams, e.g., football, hockey, basketball, exhibit higher scores on Masculinity on a sex-role inventory and are less egalitarian their views toward women's roles than are their peers who are in individual sports, e.g., track, swimming, golf, and nonathletes (Caron, Carter, & Brightman, 1985)." (Caron et al., 1997)
• "A number of surveys have been focussed on this link between athletes and rape. As part of a series of articles on athletes and rape, The Philadelphia Daily News surveyed 200 college police departments and found sexual assault by an athlete was reported, on average, once every 18 days. This survey also found athletes were approximately 40% more likely to be reported for rape than their nonathlete peers (Johnson, 1991). A study at Towson State University in 1990 indicated 2.1% of athletes had been reported for allegedly committing rape, compared to 0.6% of nonathletes (Moore, 1991)." (Caron et al., 1997)
• "Several studes have linked group sexual aggression, i.e., gang rape, to athletic participation. Examination of 50 documented case studies of incidents of gang rape showed that 60% involved fraternity members and 30% involved athletes (Ehrhart & Sandler, 1985) and similar rates were found on a second set of reported cases (O'Sulhvan, 1991)/" (Caron et al., 1997)
• "Although no significant difference was found between Athletes and Nonathletes on the Sexual Experiences Survey (aggression) scores for the two groups were examined. A large percent of respondents reported no sexually aggressive behavior (47%, 'Sexual Nonaggression'), while 29% indicated they had engaged in 'Uninvited Sexual Advances' (cat calls, whistles, or yelling at a woman on the street). Eleven percent reported behavior categorized as 'Unwanted Sexual Contact' (touched a woman's buttocks, breasts, or genital area against her wishes), whereas 7% indicated they had engaged in 'Sexual Coercion' (attempted or had intercourse with a woman by overwhelming her with arguments and pressure). Six percent of the respondents reported that they had engaged in behavior categorized as 'Attempted or Completed Rape' (attempting or having intercourse with a woman when she did not want to by giving her more alcohol or drugs than she could handle or by threatening or using force)." (Caron et al., 1997)
• "This finding suggests that men who are very competitive, particularly those who are very win-oriented, report being more sexually aggressive toward women. Winning-whether on the playing field or in bed-is very important to these men." (Caron et al., 1997)
• "For example, the respondents in this study who scored highest on the competitive measures were athletes; it would be interesting to examine how a large group of highly competitive nonathletes would score on sexually aggressive behavior. In addition, it would be useful to find a larger group of men who report being involved in sexually aggressive behavior to compare their scores on competitiveness. In this study, almost half of the respondents reported no sexual aggression; very few reported being involved in sexually coercive behavior, rape, or attempted rape." (Caron et al., 1997)
• "This emerging body of literature has found that internalized homonegativity is consistently associated with domestic violence perpetration and victimization within same-gender couples (Berg at al., 2011; Trombetta et al., 2023; 2025). Researchers have theorized that this risk results from individuals taking the internalization of homonegativity mapped onto their own identity and projecting it onto their same-gender partners," (McDaniel et al., 2026)
• "As shown in Chart 11, respondents affiliated with Greek life were generally more comfortable discussing relationships with others." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "The questionnaire went on to ask respondents about the people with whom they talk about dating, relationships, and sex, offering them the opportunity to select all that applied. [...] Overall, only 21% of respondents noted discussing these topics on social media (informally or formally). For those affiliated with Greek life, the incidence was 36% informally and 32% formally, as compared to 17% and 18%, respectively, for respondents who did not participate in Greek life. While this was not the most popular option selected for this subgroup, (as discussed for the groups above, 'my closest friends' remained the most popular option for those in Greek life), it is notable that social media played a larger role as a venue for these conversations for this population than for others." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "Digging into the data by subgroup in Chart 15, both POC respondents and those identifying as LGBTQ+ were more likely to accurately identify attributes of unhealthy relationships. On the other side, as shown in Chart 16, while a majority of those in Greek life still saw these behaviors as problematic, they did so at lower rates than their peers in all but one scenario (for disappointment if Person B goes out without Person A, 59% of respondents participating in Greek life identified this as a bad sign, while only 51% of those not claiming Greek life affiliation did so). As shown in Chart 17, men participating in athletics also struggled with identifying problematic behaviors as compared to the base sample, although not always to the degree of participants in Greek life." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "45% of respondents answered 'no' when asked, 'Have you ever had any formal training focusing on sexual assault prevention in school?' (see Chart 19). The LGBTQ+ community was the only oversampled subgroup where greater than half of the respondents (51%) said that they had received such a training. Those who participate in Greek life were significantly more likely to report receiving formal training in this area (62% for those who participate in Greek life versus 42% for those who do not), which aligns with existing efforts by fraternities and sororities to address the problem of sexual assault The impact of participation in Greek life was even more pronounced on community college campuses, with 78% of community college respondents who participate in Greek life saying they have received formal training. The dearth of widespread sexual assault prevention training outside of the Greek life community does not seem to vary by respondent class year. Therefore, it may be a result of the respondents not having received the training yet or having forgotten that they received it years later." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "Similar to those involved in Greek life, athletes were also more likely to have reported receiving this type of training (57% for DI/DII/DIII or JC/NAIA athletes and 59% for intramural or club sport athletes). This may be a result of more strict requirements for institutions to train their athletes by the NCAA." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "The question was phrased as follows: 'Some people are comfortable discussing certain sensitive topics, and others are less comfortable. Generally speaking, how comfortable are you discussing sexual violence and its prevention?' Overall, most respondents (69%) were at least somewhat, if not very, comfortable discussing sexual violence. Both the LGBTQ+ and community college communities seemed to be slightly more comfortable discussing these matters. Those involved in Greek life were also more likely to be at least somewhat comfortable discussing sexual violence (78%), which is likely at least partially a result of their stronger likelihood to have been educated on this topic." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "For example, almost a third of respondents (32%) agreed to some extent with the statement: 'Sexual assault can’t happen between married couples.' When subgroups are overlaid onto these findings, those involved in Greek life seemed to be more skeptical of who can be survivors of sexual assault. For the first grouping of questions about situations where sexual assault and domestic violence can occur, the number of respondents stating that they 'strongly disagree' dropped about 15% across the board. Additionally, those in Greek life were almost twice as likely to agree that sexual assault can’t happen between people of the same gender. Past research has identified sexual violence being used as a tactic in hazing rituals, underscoring how concerning these numbers are. Despite university attempts to ban these practices, hazing has included sexual acts for decades. For more on attitudes towards the Greek community on campuses, please see the Thematic Findings section." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "The accepted incidence rate for sexual assault for undergraduate men (although some subgroups may have a higher rate) is 6.8%. Overall, in this survey, 10% of male-identifying college students ages 18-24 reported being sexually assaulted at some point in their lives. Past research has shown the risk of sexual assault to be higher for members of the LGBTQ+ community, a data point that this research supports, with 19% of LGBTQ+ respondents responding that they have been sexually assaulted. The incidence rate of sexual assault was also higher among those who participate in Greek life, with 16% of that group saying they have experienced sexual assault. This data aligns with past research showing the risk to be higher for students who participate in Greek life." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "A third of respondents (34%) stated that they have known someone who has been sexually assaulted in their lifetime. The maximum age of respondents in this survey was 24, highlighting how pervasive the issue of sexual assault is for people of all ages, but particularly for young people. When looking specifically at the LGBTQ+ community, this number increases to 55%, meaning that over half of the respondents in this student population know someone who has been sexually assaulted." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "While false accusations are actually quite rare (an estimated 4.5% of formally reported sexual assault and domestic violence accusations are false), nearly two-thirds of the respondents believed them to occur sometimes, very often, or always. Members of the LGBTQ+ community were the most likely to correctly identify false accusations as occurring rarely (at 36%)," (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "As seen in Chart 29, sexual assault topped the list of biggest campus safety concerns at 36%. Gun violence and bullying came in second and third at 33% and 32%, respectively, followed by sexual violence and physical harm from social events at 30%. The levels of concern about these issues did not vary much by group, with the exception of athletes and people of color. For DI/DII/DIII or JC/NAIA athletes, rather than sexual assault being the top concern, 'physical harm from social events such as drunk driving or overdosing' topped the list at 42%. For this group, sexual violence from social events came in fourth and sexual assault bumped down to 6th at 30%. For respondents of color, gun violence was the top concern, with 40% being extremely concerned, followed by sexual assault at 39%." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "Of the 47% of respondents who received sexual assault prevention training, 87% reported learning specifically about consent. Therefore, only 34% of the total sample received formal consent training. This indicates that the number of men who receive formal consent training while in college is much smaller than it sounds. Not all young men learn about consent (see Chart 20), and of the students who do, their understanding of where consent applies and who it applies to varies drastically." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "Men in Greek life were the least likely to identify unhealthy relationship behaviors. They are, however, more likely to receive supplemental sexual assault prevention trainings during their time at school, meaning the information they receive is not effectively retained or is disregarded." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "While members of the LGBTQ+ community were the most likely to correctly identify potentially abusive behavior in relationships, men in Greek life were the least likely to correctly identify these behaviors (see Chart 16). Unfortunately, research has found that fraternity men are three times more likely to sexually assault a woman than non-affiliated classmates." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "In Chart 32: Institutional Trust, it is clear that respondents reported the least amount of trust in the Greek communities on their campuses. Chart 34 below indicates the level of trust that men who participate in Greek life have in their institutions. Although respondents affiliated with Greek life reported higher levels than the general population, only 26% of participants reported that they trust fraternities and sororities 'very much.'" (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
• "A 2019 study conducted on the prevalence and repeat offenses of sexual assault among college men found that being a male athlete in a position of leadership (such as a captain) had a positive correlation with the serial perpetration of alcohol-fueled rapes." (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• "These expressions were significant, as they pointed to the unique social status held by college athletes. As student athletes, the men maintain an elevated role both within their campus community and their institutions’ broader athletic fanbase. This left participants feeling anxious and vulnerable to false accusations of sexual violence despite its statistical improbability. Participants felt that because of their community status, they themselves were more susceptible to false accusations and also felt unprepared to handle an accusation levied against their teammate(s). These feelings were underscored by past experiences with prevention programming that addressed the athletes as potential perpetrators rather than being deployed as agents of change." (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• "The athletes felt that double standards fell along gendered lines. For example, there was a perception or belief among many of the athletes that women were allowed to have male friends, but men were not allowed to have female friends, and that imbalance can contribute to a relationship being or becoming unhealthy. The previously mentioned inability of the athletes to label relationships explicitly as unhealthy or toxic also had a gendered dynamic to it. For example, one athlete described being in a relationship with a partner who hit him, but he did not call it assault or dating violence because it was his female partner being violent and not him." (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• "Existing research shows that sorority women are four times more likely to be victims of sexual violence than women who are not in sororities. Members of fraternities are three times more likely than non-members to commit violence while drinking, and when gang rape occurs on college campuses, it is often linked with fraternity members. Research also shows that fraternity men are more likely to be reported as perpetrators than men who are not in fraternities and that fraternity men who support traditional gender roles and hyper- masculine behaviors exhibit more sexual aggression," (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• Our reputation is very very important. It’s everything. We don’t want to have uncomfortable situations. We value all these women that we hang out with. I deliver our pledge education very sternly. It’s addressed at the first meeting. No poor sexual behavior will ever be tolerated. (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• "Sport has been accused of being a breeding ground for sexual harassment and assault given the idealization of masculinity and violence inherent in the culture (McMahon, 2007)." (Reel & Crouch, 2019)
• "These alcohol and peer behaviors are all linked to hypermasculine spaces on college campuses. Hypermasculinity encourages men to participate in exaggerated stereotypical behavior that links aggression and strength with male sexuality. These spaces often include participation in all-male fraternal or athletic groups." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "In fact, one of five fraternity men view porn showing a rape at least once a year (Foubert, Brosi, & Bannon, 2011)." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "In 2005, a study found that fraternity men were over 3 times more likely to commit sexual violence than men not in fraternities." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "An interesting facet of [this] study is that men who joined fraternities were just as likely to have committed sexual violence prior to college as men who did not join. Thus, it was not men who had a prior history of sexual violence who gravitated toward fraternities. Rather, it appeared to be the fraternity culture itself that was responsible for a threefold increase in rape among fraternity men." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "That same year, a review of 15 studies involving approximately 5,000 participants found that being in a fraternity was significantly associated with committing sexual assault. [...] Current research suggests that some men are drawn to certain fraternities where they believe they will be better able to commit sexual violence. Evidence suggests that these fraternities reinforce hostility toward and violence against women (Boyle, 2015)." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "For example, fraternity men are pressured to conform to masculine norms, to uphold these norms, and to accept the objectification of women. These three characteristics are found to be the conduit between being in a fraternity and accepting sexual violence." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "One such norm that some fraternity support is the belief that women offer token resistance to men's sexual advances. Believing in token resistance plays a significant role in fraternity men's greater likelihood of committing sexual violence. This dangerous belief system some men hold leads them to think that a woman's 'no' is actually a sign the man just needs to be persistent enough to hear the word 'yes.' In studies of men and women, in and outside the Greek [life] system, fraternity men score higher than any group on believing that women offer token resistance." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "One example comes from the University of Southern California where in a weekly 'Gullet Report' the fraternal author noted that women they identify as 'targets' are not real people. According to the author, only men are people (Rosenfeld, 2014)." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "One of the first studies of athletics and sexual violence found 19% of college sexual assaults were committed by men in athletics. This number is staggering considering that only 3% of college students participate in collegiate athletics." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• For example, a recent study found that male college athletes have higher rape myth acceptance, more restricted gender-role attitudes, and higher rates of sexually coercive behavior than students who do not participate in intercollegiate athletics. Specifically, athletes were 77% more likely to commit an act of sexual coercion than nonathletes. Most of these coercive acts involved force or threats of harm." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "For fraternities, the standard residuals show that sexual assault perpetration, especially repeat sexual assault perpetration, is more likely with attending fraternity parties and being a member of a fraternity. At the levels of 6-9 and 10+ sexual assault perpetrations, active nonleaders in fraternities had a higher likelihood of perpetrating repeat sexual assaults." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "We found that there was a significant relationship between having taken advantage of someone sexually while under the influence of alcohol and participation in campus athletics. The standard residuals show there is a correlation between not participating in atheltics and not participating in sexual assault perpetration. These residuals increased for multiple accounts of sexual assault perpetration." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "These residuals increased for multiple accounts of sexual assault perpetration, highlighting that multiple sexual assault perpetration is less likely for males not involved with atheltics. For athletics, the standard residuals show that sexual assault perpetration, especially repeat sexual assault perpetration, is more likely with participating in collegiate athletics. At the levels of 6-9 and 10+ sexual assault perpetrations, active leaders in athletics had a higher likelihood of perpetrating repeat sexual assaults." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "Fraternity and collegiate athletics members' high rate of perpetration behavior may suggest that they do not see taking advantage of another sexually as wrong or do not believe there will be consequences to their actions." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "For fraternity men, as belief in rape myths increases so too does their likelihood of raping and committing sexual assault." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "Instead, Sanday (1996) postulates that organizations where men are particularly insecure and bond through 'getting sex' are at higher risk of creating rape culture. If men in these fraternities perceive that their peers support (and perhaps even encourage) them in pushing a woman to intoxication to have sex with her, then their risk of perpetuating both rape culture and rape increases. Ultimately, although variation between fraternities exists, O'Sullivan (1991) theorizes that, in general, when men live in gender-exclusive housing, less empathy is generated for wome and rape culture becomes more prevalent." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "Existing research indicates that sorority women endorse more attitudes related to victim blaming than nonsorority women. This includes acceptance of interpersonal violence and rape myth acceptance." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "When compared with general female undergraduates, sorority women are three times more likely to experience sexual assault. Specifically, Minow and Einolf found that 33% of sorority women had been raped and 14% experienced attempted rape compared with 8% and 6% of nonsorority women, respectively. These rates were still significantly higher even when alcohol consumption and Greek-hosted party attendance were controlled for." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "These authors also note that fraternity houses were the second most noted location for these rapes; the most common locations were in off-campus private residences. [...] Nevertheless, fraternity houses accounted for 32% of the rapes in Minow and Einolf's study, a percentage that exceeds the proportion of students that typically live in fraternity housing on college campuses." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "Model 1 shows that both being classified as a junior or senior student [...] are associated with lower endorsement of token resistance." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "Specifically, males and members of fraternities or sororities on average exhibit higher endorsements of token resistance." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "These results indicate that although all members of fraternities and sororities have higher endorsements of token resistance on average, male members have even higher endorsement [than] female members." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "Specifically, males and students with Greek membership on average exhibit higher endorsements of rape myth acceptance." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "Although there were no differences in rates of sexual assault between sorority and nonsorority members, we found that sorority members were more likely to acknowledge that their experience was rape by responding 'yes' to the item 'have you ever been raped?' These findings are also not supported by theory in the literature and may appear inconsistent with our findings regarding rape myth acceptance and token resistance. Because our findings suggest that sorority women have higher ates of rape myth acceptance and TRSS than nonsorority women, we should have expected that sorority women would be less likely to acknowledge nonconsensual sexual activity as rape. Continued research is needed to disentangle this inconsistency within our own findings and findings from previous literature." (Canan et al., 2018)

Defense

In Defense, we provide tools to help the audience see what social moves can be made to preserve autonomy without fear of social cost.

Identifying Unhealthy Behaviors

• f

Rejecting Unhealthy Behaviors

• "The respondents at community colleges mentioned experiencing less of a party atmosphere and related more to commuter schools in that the students are often older and have little connection to each other. When students feel less connected to their school and peers, they are less likely to intervene when they see a risky situation happening in their community." (Zenteno et al., 2022)

Navigating Social Stigma

• I got a question. Can males get, get like raped?...Listen, listen…so say, uh, like, same you trying, you with a lady or whatever. Then boom, y’all like, you, you want some sex? She say no. And you like, all right, cool. But then when we say no, they like, aww come here, come on. (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• Well, me personally, communication was a big thing for me which led me to get into like a physical – I actually got punched in the face. So I guess communication for me was like a big deal…and it was my fault. I’m so sorry. I deserved it, but like, I didn’t expect it to come when it happened. I was like, damn. That’s crazy…Cause it, it really takes like your manhood out. You like, you just got socked in the face – especially by girls…And my mom always told me, don’t hit a girl. So… I just gotta like, like hold her, like calm down, you know? Calm her down. Cause she was a pretty violent person. (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• "Notably, a third of the participants who answered why they would not intervene stated fearing for their safety as a hurdle to intervention (see Chart 5). When recounting past experiences of intervening, some also shared fears of risking their relationship with a teammate," (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• Um, so I heard from a girl that one of my teammates was kind of taking advantage of her while she was drunk one night. Then I saw her another night and he was doing the same thing. And so then I jumped in and that hurt our relationship cause like I wasn’t friends with him after that cause he like took it out on me. (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• "For example, problems can arise for men who may not want to engage in sex but feel that they would violate their traditional gender role by refusing sex with a woman. Because traditional sexual scripts hold an expectation that men will be more sexually aggressive than women, men could feel a pressure to engage in sex that they do not want. This is particularly problematic in gender-segregated spaces like fraternities and sororities constructed by colleges because Greek-affiliated students are more likely to endorse traditional gender roles than independent students." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "Endorsement of these ideas by perpetrators may lead to the belief that men cannot be victims of sexual assault. This can put men in a particularly dangerous position where others are less likely to seek their consent before proceeding with sexual behavior." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "Perhaps men are experiencing nonconsensual sexual behavior achieved (sic) because refusing was useless because they think they are not allowed to refuse sexual behavior." (Canan et al., 2018)

Liberation

In Liberation, we confront the schema which often allow self-blame, shame, and fear

Others' Similar Experiences

• .

Offenders Will Repeat Without Accountability

• "However, because many college men have already engaged in sexual violence before arriving on campus or will shortly thereafter (Abbey & McAuslan, 2004), prevention initiatives that address this age group may miss the window of opportunity to prevent sexual violence before it starts. Primary prevention efforts may be best targeted at younger populations—before college. Sexually violent behavior is often initiated in adolescence (Abbey & McAuslan, 2004), and more than 40% of victims will experience their first completed rape before age 17 (Black et al., 2011)," (DeGue et al., 2014)
• "For example, Prentky, Lee, Knight, and Cerce (1997) reported a 39% sexual reoffending rate over a 25 year follow-up among rapists who had undergone sex offender treatment."
• "Quinsey, Rice, and Harris (1995) reported a 20% rate of reconviction for sexual offenses after only a four year follow-up period that included only a two-and-a-half year period of offending 'opportunity.' Further, these figures are widely viewed as underestimates, because a high proportion of sexual crimes are never reported, effectively hiding these crimes from researchers." (Lisak & Miller, 2002)
• "For example, Abel and colleagues (1987) reported that when given assurances of confidentiality, 126 identified rapists admitted to 907 paraphilic acts against 882 victims." (Lisak & Miller, 2002)
• "...we compared the total number of acts of violence committed by non-rapists, single-act rapists, and repeat rapists. Non-rapists committed a mean of 1.41 acts of violence, compared to a mean of 3.98 for single-act rapists, and a mean of 13.75 for repeat rapists, differences that were statistically significant." (Lisak & Miller, 2002)
• "Strikingly, the repeat rapists were responsible for 1,045 of the 1,225 total acts of interpersonal violence perpetrated by these 120 rapists." (Lisak & Miller, 2002)
• "It is notable that the only strategies with evidence of effectiveness on sexually violent behavior, to date, target adolescents. This is consistent with findings from a recent review of intimate partner violence prevention. Four of the five clinical trials cited here were funded by CDC's Division of Violence Prevention. The evaluation of Shifting Boundaries (cite) was funded by the National Institutes of Justice. 356 S. DeGue et al. / Aggression and Violent Behavior 19 (2014) 346–362 strategies (Whitaker, Murphy, Eckhardt, Hodges, & Cowart, 2013), suggesting that adolescence may represent a critical window to intervene on these related behaviors." (DeGue et al., 2014)
• "...perpetrators are more likely to justify their activity with self-serving arguments. Men who use these justifications also have higher levels of rape-supportive attitudes, expectations for having sex, misperceptions of sexual intent, more aggressively pursue victims who have consumed alcohol, make more attempts to belon with her, and have a higher number of consensual sexual activities prior to unwanted sex. As use of justifications increases, men become even more likely to rape again in the future." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "In response to Research Question 2, we found that more men who committed alcohol-involved sexual assault did so more than once (2.9%) than did so only on time (2.2%)." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "Serial perpetrators commit significantly more alcohol-related sexual assaults on college campuses than do one-time offenders." (Foubert et al., 2020)
• "We also found that there are more men who have committed multiple alcohol-involved sexual assaults. With an average of at least five infractions per perpetrator, chances are if a perpetrator is caught, he has committed sexual assault before and will likely do it again." (Foubert et al., 2020)

Social Struggles

• "Athletes may fear retaliation from a coach. Some athletes said if they reported sexual harassment or violence, a coach, for example, could withhold competition opportunities, put them through over-strenuous drills, or kick them off the team.Athletes may fear retaliation from a coach. Some athletes said if they reported sexual harassment or violence, a coach, for example, could withhold competition opportunities, put them through over-strenuous drills, or kick them off the team." (U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2024)
• "Athletes may fear being ostracized by their team. One athlete discussed not wanting to be viewed as a 'snitch who went against the family dynamics of the team' if the athlete reported sexual harassment or violence. Officials from one college said this fear can be exacerbated if the alleged perpetrator is well- known." (U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2024)
• "Athletes may not have trusted reporting options. A few athletes said they did not have confidential, safe spaces to go to for support. They said a coach who learns about incidents of sexual harassment and violence may be required to report the incidents to the college. Thus, they expressed concern that a report would get 'blown up' into an investigation. Further, officials from a few colleges said LGBTQ+ individuals may not come forward because of fears that they would be 'outed' against their will during the process," (U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2024)
• "There is still a cultural belief that women who have been raped are 'damaged goods' (Koss, 1992)." (Caron et al., 1997)
• "Of particular note, a common theme that emerged in the focus groups’ discussions about accusations was athletes communicated feelings of surprise or frustration when information about an accusation came from a third party or through social media. However, when participants experienced a disclosure from a survivor directly, they were overwhelmingly supportive and empathetic toward the survivor. The difference in whether or not an athlete was likely to believe an accusation was largely dependent on the proximity of the source of the information to the allegation itself," (U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2024)
• "Prevalence rates for men, however, were four times larger than rates in studies utilizing general population samples, three times higher than samples of college students, and slightly lower than rates that focused solely on childhood sexual abuse. Because the items utilized in the present study asked about lifetime experiences of sexual assault and rape, some of the men in our sample likely reported experiences of child abuse as well as sexual assault occurring in adulthoot. This may, in part, explain why our rates of sexual assault and rape for men were so much higher." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "In general, these high rates among men could be exacerbated by rape myth acceptance. Belief in rape myths may make perpetrators less likely to label male victims as victims, especially if the perpetrator is female. This is because many rape myths frame females as victims." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "Alternatively, high rates of men reporting nonconsensual sexual behavior 'because refusing was useless' could be a function of traditional gender roles and sexual scripts that teach men and women that men should and do want sex all the time; therefore men's refusals, if present, should not be taken seriously." (Canan et al., 2018)
• "For example, Bridges examined the relationship between 'rape supporting attitudes' and expected gender roles. O'Neal found that police officers' preconceived ideas about 'real rape' affected how they interpreted female victims' complaints, and Caricati et al. found that male victims were 'blamed' for their assault more than female victims if their attacker was believed to be attractive." (Trudeau & Carmi, 2026)
• "Findings across our data suggest that certain behaviors, such as drinking, prior sexual experience, or being perceived as physically attractive, make juries read a female victim's assault as more understandable and the victim herself as more culpable." (Trudeau & Carmi, 2026)
• "Cultural assumptions cast men as sexual initiators, leading jurors to view their assaults as less credible and sympathetic, especially in cases where the aggressor was a woman. Male rape myths were also identified among service providers and other professionals, such as police officers." (Trudeau & Carmi, 2026)
• "The minimization of male victims and belief in male rape myths is [prevalent] not only among the general public or legal professionals, but also among male victims themselves, influencing their sexual trauma." (Trudeau & Carmi, 2026)
• "In the case of child sexual assault, older children are often believed less and blamed more for their assault." (Trudeau & Carmi, 2026)
• "Mock jury studies consistently show that the more rape myth endorsement and gender bias or sexism potential jurors show, the more likely they are to acquit alleged assailants and/or administer more lenient punishment even when convictions are achieved." (Trudeau & Carmi, 2026)
• "To people who have experience with victims and with rape trials, it is quite clear that in the public mind a victim's reputation or character enters this judgment, because women with certain reputations or identities are stereotypically assumed to consent more readily, to more men, in more situations. Having assumed a generalized propensity to consent and attached it to whole classes of women, this line of reasoning then particularizes the argument to this woman in this situation and infers consent to this man. Therefore, following this reasoning, this situation is not a rape." (Burt & Albin, 1981)
• "Rape myth acceptance has a direct effect on rape definitions in models 2, 3, and 4, where the greater the rape myth acceptance, the narrower the definition of rape." (Burt & Albin, 1981)
• "In addition to these effects of rape myth acceptance, acceptance of interpersonal violence, which we say earlier was the strongest predictor to rape myth acceptance, exerts a direct [negative] effect on willingness to convict an assailant in all models." (Burt & Albin, 1981)
• "Further, acceptance of interpersonal violence also acts indirectly on [participants' choice to] CONVICT through perceptions of the man and woman in the vignette [...]." (Burt & Albin, 1981)

What Future Communication Should Look Like

• "Research has shown that when passed-down knowledge focuses on healthy skills, nonviolent attitudes, and the empowerment of individuals to make informed decisions about their own bodies, there is a reduction in sexual and dating violence risk among youth (Mathews et al., 2015, 2016; UNESCO, 2018, 2015)." (McDaniel et al., 2026)

The Shortcomings of Existing Trainings, Generally

• Interest
  • "The negative feedback included: did not like class work, did not like program length, felt the class was boring, did not like missing regular class, and a smaller percentage reported not liking class discussions, possibly due to low participation," (Gay, 2024)
  • "Among the studies measuring attitudes toward dating violence/sexual assault, all found decreases in positive attitudes toward dating violence and a decrease in acceptance of teen dating violence. For the two studies that recorded students’ opinions on the intervention, they reported the following positive feedback: liking the program content, liking everything about the Impower program, feeling more confident, knowing what to do in a dangerous situation, liking class activities, and class discussions. Other notable outcomes include an increase in confidence, higher scores of willingness to report, and better conflict resolution skills." (Gay, 2024)
  • "The online programs were cited as being ineffective because the athletes could easily click through them without paying attention to the content. Moreover, online learning does not allow space for further questions or discussion, or for athletes to practice important skills, such as asking for consent or being an active bystander." (Zenteno et al., 2023)
  • "Mandated trainings were viewed by many participants as simply something they had to do as part of their enrollment. Several men reported tuning out the trainings, either because they felt they were 'good guys' who didn’t need it, or because the trainings were cheesy and not engaging," (Zenteno et al., 2022)
  • The most direct thing they have students do is a training module about sexual assault and Title IX. I kind of get the impression that it’s contractual and really just obligatory. (Zenteno et al., 2022)
  • Every two years, the [university] has us do these online modules. Just to fill them out. They just recycle the same stuff, and it’s online and you just half-ass it because you want to get it over with and it seems like it’s common sense to just not assault someone. (Zenteno et al., 2022)
  • The online Everfi course definitely dragged on. It’s a 4 hour course and not very effective training because you can tune it out. It’s just too long. And it needs to be required and in-person. Maybe as part of the freshman seminar class. (Zenteno et al., 2022)
  • "Several students reported that they felt prevention education was not relevant to them because they are not a perpetrator of assault. Most of the students believed that by the time they get to college, they should have the moral fiber not to commit sexual assault." (Zenteno et al., 2022)
  • If they’re too dark inside then…they can hear content but if it’s not aligned with their values then it’s not going to resonate. You are not going to change someone’s mind or…moral compass. (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• Duration
  • "Conducting the intervention program during classroom instruction over a period of time (weeks, months, years). It was evident among the studies that the greatest amount of participation occurred during school hours. Implementing this criterion would ensure that the intervention is reaching the greatest number of students, that the curriculum is taught by someone who was trained, that the curriculum is being taught the same throughout different classes or schools, and that the information would stay with the students longer if they were exposed to it over a greater period of time."(Gay, 2024)
  • "Some research has reported that training effects deteriorated (Lonsway et al., 2001) or decayed slightly over time (Tidmarsh et al., 2021). Null findings may be the result of differences in training length, dosage, and content, or because of methodological differences in study designs (Murphy & Hine, 2019). Results have suggested that longer and more in-depth training programs have been more effective at improving police outcomes when compared to shorter training programs and dosage. In their evaluation of a 3.5-h training program, for example, Lonsway et al. (2001) reported an initial increase in knowledge of trauma-informed responses, however increases were not sustained after a follow-up survey administered several weeks posttraining." (Lapsey et al., 2024)
  • "In contrast, Tidmarsh et al. (2020) reported significant improvements in officer assessments of survivor blame immediately following their participation in a 96-h training program and these improvements were also observed from survey responses collected during the 9- to 12-month follow-up period (Tidmarsh et al., 2020)." (Lapsey et al., 2024)
  • "Overall, it appears that studies with the greatest number of hours devoted to training (40–96hr) had improved outcomes. Within our review, there were two studies that found training had no effect on attitudes, including false reporting and rape myth acceptance (Lathan et al., 2022; Lonsway et al., 2001), and one study with null effects on knowledge of sexual assault response (Lonsway et al., 2001) (study 1). These studies evaluated brief training (2–4hr) versus no training or limited training (1hr). It is plausible that the dosage of training was too negligible to result in a change as rape myth acceptance was significantly decreased among officers who received 40-hr training (Campbell et al., 2020; Campbell & Lapsey, 2021). Training length has been identified as a factor potentially influencing police training outcomes (A. Murphy & Hine, 2019)." (Mcqueen & Murphy-Oikonen, 2023)
  • "Indeed, we found that interventions with consistently positive effects in this review tended to be 2 to 3 times longer, on average, than interventions with null, negative, or mixed effects." (DeGue et al., 2014)
• Implementation
  • Annual attestation of institutional compliance with the NCAA Board of Governors Policy on Campus Sexual Violence
  • "Based on the two studies with student feedback and the methods a majority of studies used to provide the materials, the best way to implement the curriculum would be through role playing, group discussions, demonstrations, and activities for personal reflection or independent work. Teaching the material in these ways encourages participation, allows students to visualize the material, and provides students with an opportunity to self-reflect. One common complaint about group activities was the lack of participation from students. Potential ways to mitigate this would be to offer a fun incentive, like candy or a raffle ticket for a prize, to encourage participation, or to have students anonymously write down their questions, and then they could be answered by the administrator. The latter method would allow students to participate if they did not want to verbally ask their question(s)." (Gay, 2024)
  • "It was prevalent that studies thought students were recognizing past behaviors and answering accordingly in post-tests. Future studies should ensure that students do not include pre-intervention behaviors in the surveys, possibly by adding a disclaimer or a time stamp e.g. Have you done this in the past three months?" (Gay, 2024)
  • "The one meta-review (Vladutiu et al., 2011) also focused on reviews of college-based programs. Vladutiu and colleagues noted that reviews often made inconsistent recommendations, primarily due to differences in program context and content and the outcomes examined in the studies. For example, Vladutiu et al. (2011) concluded that longer programs were generally associated with greater effectiveness, but some shorter programs were able to document change when rape myth acceptance was the only outcome of interest. Single-gender audience approaches were generally considered more effective, but primarily when the program focused on attitudes, empathy, and knowledge outcomes related to sexual violence. The meta-review also identified a wide range of content and delivery components that were associated with changes on different outcomes." (DeGue et al., 2014)
  • "Research indicates that preventative interventions are most successful when they include interactive instruction and opportunities for active, skills-based learning (Nation et al., 2003). Prior reviews of sexual violence prevention programs also suggest that engaging participants in multiple ways (e.g., writing exercises, role plays) and with greater participation may be associated with more positive outcome," (DeGue et al., 2014)
  • "For example, programs that engage youth in facilitated peer support groups (e.g., Expect Respect; Ball et al., 2012) can leverage positive peer influences to reduce violent behavior. Further, strategies that train and empower youth to serve as active bystanders (e.g., Bringing in the Bystander; Banyard, Moynihan, & Plante, 2007; or, Green Dot; Cook Craig et al., in press) utilize existing peer networks to diffuse positive social norms and messages about dating and sexual violence. In addition, recent work to involve parents in dating violence prevention is a promising new direction (see for example, Families for Safe Dates; Fosheet al., 2012)." (DeGue et al., 2014)
  • "Nation et al. (2003) note that involving members of the target population in the development and implementation of prevention strategies may improve the programs' perceived relevance to the community's needs. Future program development and evaluation research efforts should gauge the extent to which interventions with culturally specific approaches result in increased cultural relevance, recruitment, retention, and impact on preventing sexual violence." (DeGue et al., 2014)
  • "Etiological theories that identify modifiable points for intervention in the development of health risk behaviors are extremely valuable as a basis for prevention development (Nation et al., 2003), especially when supported by evidence that the factors identified represent causal influences in a theoretical model." (DeGue et al., 2014)
  • "Individual-and relationship-based approaches are likely key pieces of the prevention puzzle given the plethora of risk correlates identified at these levels. But, achieving long-term behavior change with such programs is unlike- ly when they are delivered in a social, cultural, or physical environment that counteracts those messages and discourages safe, healthy behaviors or rewards violent behavior (DeGue, Holt, et al., 2012). This would necessitate drawing on theory and lessons learned in other areas of public health to identify innovative policy, environmental, and structural approaches that support and encourage healthy behavior, positive social norms, and non-violence. Such strategies would target modifiable risk and protective factors that are characteristic of communities and that are empirically or theoretically associated with sexual violence" (DeGue et al., 2014)
  • "Focus on the experience of the survivor rather than problem solving/problem identification. Consider the seating arrangement and how survivors might perceive it. For example, try not to have anyone sitting directly behind survivors as this can add to anxiety." (sheet)
  • "Officials from two colleges discussed adding health and wellness supports for athletes, independent of the athletics department. For example, one college assigned each athlete a designated mental health counselor to provide confidential counseling and support. The second college moved athletes’ health services away from the athletics department. Officials said this structure allows for additional oversight of athlete wellness and provides a confidential resource for athletes" (U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2024)
  • "Across all settings, college men felt that their current beliefs aligned less with school-based sexuality education than with that received in their community or online. Although schools tend to cover a wider breadth of topics, this lack of alignment suggests a disconnect with school-based education and its influence on boys’ development into early adulthood. Community-based education is more likely to be given by someone college men trust, like a friend, peer, family member, or neighbor, and thus may be more relatable and culturally relevant to their experiences, allowing boys to integrate the information they’ve received into their developing beliefs, attitudes, and sense of self. Additionally, these values may be modeled by community members rather than just stated as fact, like in a school-based setting where information is academic rather than personal." (McDaniel et al., 2026)
  • "Men are more likely to be engaged in and attend prevention training at their school if the speaker is relevant to them. For example, engagement increases if the facilitator or speaker is an influential member of their campus community or a peer they look up to, or if an entertaining speaker or influencer provides the information. Ohio State University invited a comedian to come to campus to do a stand-up routine for students about mental health and sexual assault, and the Ohio State University student surveyed in this research reported that the event was well attended and engaging." (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• Topics
  • "Different programs focused on additional topics, including emotional regulation, communication skills, behavior and attitude changes, physical resistance skills, self-confidence, healthy versus unhealthy relationship behaviors, and establishing boundaries. Although these topics are not technically the same as sexual assault and dating violence prevention, they do help establish skills and increase knowledge that could lead to prevention," (Gay, 2024)
• Goals
  • "In addition, Anderson and Whiston (2005) reported a moderate mean effect size for knowledge (0.57), but reported small mean effect sizes for behavioral intentions (0.14), incidence of sexual violence (0.12), and attitudes considered more distal to sexual violence (0.10; e.g., adversarial sexual beliefs, hostile attitudes toward women), suggesting that the changes may have little clinical significance. Mean effect sizes for rape empathy and indicators of greater rape awareness (e.g., willingness to volunteer at rape crisis centers) were not significantly different from zero. The results from these meta-analyses suggest that knowledge and attitudes are assessed most frequently in prevention programming with college students, with attitudinal measures showing the largest effect sizes in evaluations of those programs. Although attitudes and behaviors are related, attitudes typically account for a relatively small proportion of the variance in behavior (e.g., Glasman & Albarracín, 2006; Kraus, 1995), suggesting that achieving attitude change may not be enough to impact sexual violence behaviors." (DeGue et al., 2014)
  • "In summary, after nearly 30 years of research, the field has produced very few evaluation studies using a research design that, if well-conducted, would permit conclusions regarding the effectiveness of the intervention for preventing sexually violent behavior. This shortage of rigorous research accounts, in large part, for the lack of evidence-based interventions available to practitioners to date." (DeGue et al., 2014)
  • "Specifically, this work determined that the more comfortable that young men are discussing relationships with others and the more connections they have with women, the more likely they are to have a strong understanding of healthy relationships and sexual assault." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
  • "Past work from It’s On Us also uncovered that having strong relationships with women as another key factor in college men’s understanding of sexual assault and its prevention." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
  • "Additionally, a 2019 study through the Ohio State University found that friendships developed between first-year college students can endure long-term, helping to bridge divides and broaden worldviews. These first-year connections are critical as students develop their friendship groups and community on campus. Knowing that relationships with women can increase the likelihood that men on campus are knowledgeable on this topic, research exploring the effects of colleges allowing coeducational, or co-ed, dorms beginning freshman year and their ability to foster friendships with women early in a college career may be beneficial to creating long-term culture change," (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
  • "Almost all of the athletes cited wanting proactive and empowering prevention education that called them in to be a part of the solution, not programming that made them feel like they were “the problem” or were receiving reactive education in response to an incident that had already occurred." (Zenteno et al., 2023)
  • "The athletes also indicated needing more information in prevention education programs about how traits that may be helpful or seen as positive during practice and competition (e.g. cultivating aggression and persistence) should not translate to their interpersonal/romantic/sexual lives. The vast majority of the prevention education they received focused on teaching them what not to do, which left many of the men feeling ill-equipped on what to do. Most expressed a desire to engage in healthy behaviors in their romantic/sexual lives, but felt they lacked the knowledge and skills needed to do so," (Zenteno et al., 2023)
• Knowledge
  • "It seemed these studies focused on sexual crimes being committed by dating partners. However, it is known that anyone could commit these crimes, such as family members, friends, or random people. It is recommended that future studies take this into consideration and include material, such as 'red flags' that could be seen out in public or whom to seek help from if a family member is the abuser." (Gay, 2024)
  • "Improvements in the interviewing behavior of police officers are of great importance since the victim interview is considered the most important and often the only source of evidence in a sexual assault investigation (Haskell & Randall, 2019)." (Mcqueen & Murphy-Oikonen, 2023)
  • "In addition to gender differences in score change (RQ3), we investigated the effect of gender on within-subjects responses for knowledge and self-efficacy. While both men (n=82) and women (n=91) demonstrated significant increases post-training in all forms of knowledge and self-efficacy compared to pre-training (β=0.4–0.82, 95% CI [range 0.02–1.21], p<0.05, Table 4), both before and after training, women consistently reported significantly lower scores than men for both knowledge (β=-1.02, 95% CI [− 1.4, − 0.64], p<0.001) and self-efficacy (β=− 0.43 and − 0.91, 95% CI [range − 1.27 to − 0.05], p<0.05, Table 4, Fig. 3)." (Cronin et al., 2024)
  • "Mandatory reporting without consent has been demonstrated to discourage survivors from disclosing incidents and conflict with survivors’ healing processes, and it is unlikely to result in justice in the form of sanctions for the perpetrator. Even worse, mandatory reporting can lead to retaliatory behaviour from alleged perpetrators, and other coworkers in as many as 63% of workplace sexual harassment cases." (Cronin et al., 2024)
  • "Alternative reporting systems to mandatory reporting have been suggested, including a shift toward “mandatory supporting” that prioritize confidential reporting options, require consent for official reports, and provide trauma-informed training so that employees can support survivors who do disclose. These changes will be particularly important in the high-risk setting of fieldwork and at government agencies where reporting rates, as this study demonstrates, can be extremely low." (Cronin et al., 2024)
  • "Although the tradition of sharing knowledge about sex is engrained in our culture and the protective effects of sexual health education against violence is backed by decades of scientific research, formal education about sexual health is only required in 30 U.S. states, of which only 18 require it to include 'medically accurate' information (Guttmacher Institute, 2021; National Conference of State Legislatures, 2020)" (McDaniel et al., 2026)
  • "Most college men first encountered sex in various forms of media, hovering around 70% across the full sample and both subgroups. Over half of college men learned about sex for the first time in some kind of interpersonal communication, broadly meaning another person in their life taught them about sex, be it a family member, a peer, a teacher, or another community member. Only 29% of the total sample, 30% of Black college men, and 24% of LGBTQQA college men’s first experience learning about sex was in a school health class or one-time presentation/workshop, indicating that the vast majority of college students are encountering sex prior to being taught about it in a formalized way in school." (McDaniel et al., 2026)
  • "Of all of the options listed, pornography was selected the most frequently (40% overall) of the options offered around the first experience learning about sex, accounting for around half of Black and LGBTQQA’s college men’s experiences; and other media like a TV show, book, video game, movie, or other media came in as a close second (~35%). College men who selected pornography as their first experience learning about sex received a follow-up question asking how they first saw said pornography (Figure 5). From their responses, the majority of respondents who cited pornography as their first experience did so through their own efforts, either purposeful or accidental." (McDaniel et al., 2026)
  • "Overall, most college men (72.5%) receive sexuality education in a community setting, via a combination of conversations with family members (47.9%) and other trusted adults in their lives (25.7%). Previous research has shown that parental communication with children depends on several factors, such as perceived barriers and benefits (Wilson et al., 2010) and other personal factors, like parents’ experience of learning about sex from their own parents (Eastman et al., 2005; Kniveton & Day, 1999; Lehr et al., 2005; Wansley, 2007) and their own previous sexual behaviors (Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2008)." (McDaniel et al., 2026)
  • "According to college men’s reports, only 40% of school-based education and 31.3% of community-based education covered healthy conflict and communication. Most school-based (74.3%) and over half of community-based (67.1%) and religious (55.6%) education covered consent/sexual communication. This is a concerning and important finding for prevention educators. Although some college men learned about consent/sexual communication in other ways, most college men (58% of the entire sample) have not been taught about consent/ sexual communication in a formal sexuality educational setting. Community-based education may account for this gap in some college men, but there is likely a wide array of variance in the effectiveness of such lessons. This finding demonstrates that many young men may be completely lacking this necessary safety skill for sexual behavior when starting college." (McDaniel et al., 2026)
  • "Students want to learn more about ways to engage in healthy relationships and prevent unhealthy relationships from becoming abusive. One way to teach students to hold themselves accountable in relationships, as well as to check in on their peers, is through active bystander education. Bystander intervention is a prevention method used to encourage responsive bystander behavior to spread the responsibility for safety to the community as a whole." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
  • "Of note, 31.1% of participants who learned about sex in a formal health class reported receiving abstinence-only education, which typically does not cover the topic of consent." (Zenteno et al., 2023)
  • "No participant who shared receiving a disclosure reported questioning the survivor’s story. Participants overwhelmingly felt that the best way to respond to a disclosure is by listening, and that any other response would not be helpful because they could not turn back time and prevent the assault from happening in the first place." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
  • "The majority of these accusations were directed toward participants’ male friends from high school or college. When the accused was also an athlete, they spoke about how the sexual assault accusation negatively affected the career of the player involved. Multiple athletes expressed that they felt players accused of sexual violence should be able to keep practicing and competing if the accusation had not yet been proven." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
  • "The reasoning participants gave for this belief included: the alleged sexual assault took place multiple years beforehand but was not reported until later, making it difficult to prove; when the athletes personally knew the alleged perpetrator(s) as a “good person” or “good people”; and, possible ulterior motivations of the person making the accusation to make money or gain popularity at the expense of a high-profile athlete." (Zenteno & Hilty, 2023)
  • "Of the 198 athletes who raised their hands to indicate they had received a disclosure, none stated that they responded by seeking support from or referring the survivor to their institution’s Title IX or Victim Services Coordinator. Many did not know who their Title IX Coordinator was. It was also unclear whether the athletes knew what their campus or local community resources were." (Zenteno et al., 2023)
  • "However, it is notable that when the athletes shared characteristics of a toxic or abusive relationship they experienced or witnessed, they often did so without labeling it as such. In a majority of the focus groups, participants asked the facilitators to clarify what they meant by the prompt, 'has anyone ever been in an unhealthy or toxic relationship?' The lack of definitional clarity and unwillingness to explicitly name the nature of these relationships by the athletes was striking." (Zenteno et al., 2023)
  • I mean, it was one of those, uh, things where, you know, when you are in one of those relationships where you’re being manipulated, it’s very difficult to see and rationalize that like this is toxic, right? Because you have this idea of, you know, like, I love this person, right? You know, I’ll do anything for this person, including take all this abuse and, you know, you have like your parents, your friends, and everyone telling you to like leave to get away, run as fast as you can. (Zenteno et al., 2023)
  • "This study found that most participants view themselves as moral young men who want to help but don’t know how. The men expressed a desire to help but didn’t feel they had the right tools to intervene. They expressed interest in training that would teach them how to intervene and deescalate situations involving sexual violence." (Zenteno et al., 2022)
  • "Men in the study were overwhelmingly more likely to be empathetic and act as an active bystander to stop an act of sexual assault if: • They have a family member who is a survivor • They have strong women as role models or friends • They have a friend or a friend of a friend who is a survivor," (Zenteno et al., 2022)
  • "Most men saw the definition of consent to be black and white – it is either provided or not. However, they also overwhelmingly believed that the nuance occurs when the people involved are not sober." (Zenteno et al., 2022)
• Improvement
  • "Of the five studies that evaluated police training on rape myth acceptance, three studies found a significant decrease in rape myth acceptance; two with 40-hr training (Campbell et al., 2020; Campbell & Lapsey, 2021) and one with 4-hr training (McKee et al., 2020). Alternatively, two studies found no differences with brief training (Lathan et al., 2022; Lonsway et al., 2001)." (Mcqueen & Murphy-Oikonen, 2023)
  • "In particular, approximately 80% of officers in the treatment group (n=236) had rape myth acceptance scores below the mean of the control group. The randomized controlled trial by McKee et al. (2020), assessed police attitudes toward rape myth acceptance for both female and male victims. Rape myth acceptance significantly decreased (p<.05) among those who received training on all four subscales compared to controls for female victims of rape. For male victims of rape, significant decreases (p<.05) in rape myth acceptance were found among the training group for only two subscales ('he did not mean it' and 'he lied')." (Mcqueen & Murphy-Oikonen, 2023)
  • "The study by Darwinkel et al. (2013) found that the amount of responsibility placed on victims decreased from pre-training (M=2.48, SD=1.88) to posttraining (M=1.67, SD=1.98) F(1, 76)=13.87, p<.01). These findings were consistent with Tidmarsh et al. (2020) who also found there was a significant effect for training, F(2, 84 = 17.13, p<.001) on victim responsibility ratings. Participants’ ratings of victim responsibility decreased from pre-training to post-training for all levels of evidence, including strong (p=.02), ambiguous (p<.001), and weak (p=.001)." (Mcqueen & Murphy-Oikonen, 2023)
  • "Recruits who received the experimental training were more likely to (1) allow the victim significant control over the pace and tone of the interview (p<.01), (2) address a range of needs and concerns of the victim (p<.01), and (3) provide empathy and reassurance to the victim compared to controls (p<.01). Lastly, recruits in the experimental training were less likely to ask about alcohol use of the victim and perpetrator compared to those in the control condition (p<.0)." (Mcqueen & Murphy-Oikonen)
  • "Researchers found that victim engagement increased and police written reports were more victim-focused following training. Using Bayesian hypothesis testing, the researchers estimated that victim engagement (e.g., less attrition) improved by 32% in the post-training period. Likewise, machine-text analysis identified words like 'bar' and 'club': were used more frequently in the pre-training period; whereas, words such as 'advocate' 'charges,' and “arrests' were more frequently used post-training, suggesting that officers were more victim and suspect focused following training." (Mcqueen & Murphy-Oikonen, 2023)
  • "H3a. Increases in post-training knowledge, self-efficacy, and behavioural intention will be higher for women and gender minorities compared to men. Our within-subjects comparisons indicated that increases in knowledge immediately after the training were higher for women (n=88) than men (n=82) (β=0.8, p=0.004, Table 4, Fig. 3). However, there was no detectable gender difference in changes for scores related to self-efficacy and behavioural intention (Fig. 3a,b). Thus, Hypothesis 3a can be accepted for knowledge but not for self-efficacy or behavioural intention," (Cronin et al., 2024)
  • "Safe Dates is a universal dating violence prevention program for middle- and high-school students involving a 10-session curriculum addressing attitudes, social norms, and healthy relationship skills, a 45-minute student play about dating violence, and a poster contest. Results from one rigorous evaluation using an RCT design showed that four years after receiving the program, students in the intervention group were significantly less likely to be victims or perpetrators of self-reported sexual violence involving a dating partner relative to students in the control group." (DeGue et al., 2014)
• Attrition
  • "Confidence in guilty verdicts and victim responsibility ratings were maintained at 9 to 12 months; but, confidence in case approvals was not sustained as scores did not significantly differ from pre-training to follow-up (p=1.56) (Tidmarsh et al., 2020). Similarly, Tidmarsh et al. (2021a) found in study two that participants asked significantly more relationship details questions during their follow-up interview than during their pre-training (p<.001). For question types, such as open-breadth, specific cued-recall, and grooming one details, the improvements were not sustained at the 9 to 12-month follow-up." (Mcqueen & Murphy-Oikonen, 2023)
  • "Finally, participants’ likelihood to report incidents increased after the training but institutional reports remained low, emphasizing the importance of efforts to transform reporting systems and develop better methods to measure bystander actions." (Cronin et al., 2024)
  • "H2b. Changes in behavioural intention will not be sustained over time.Although we detected almost no differences between treatment and control groups, within-subjects comparisons revealed significant increases in all forms of behavioural intention immediately after the training (β = 0.85–1.32, 95% CI [range 0.36–1.82], p < 0.001, Table 3, Fig. 2b). Unlike results for knowledge and self-efficacy, significant increases in behavioural intention were sustained 1–2 months after the training delivery only for reporting intention (β=0.58, 95% CI [0.09, 1.07], p=0.02), while prevention, intervention, and encouragement intention all returned to not significantly different from baseline levels. These results indicate support for Hypothesis 2b for all forms of behavioural intention except reporting." (Cronin et al., 2024)

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